home edit page issue tracker
This page pertains to UD version 2.

Simple Clauses

This section of the syntax overview is devoted to simple clauses. The UD annotation assumes the clause as one of the basic structures that we expect to find in all languages. A simple clause minimally consists of a predicate together with its core argument dependents, but may be extended with oblique modifiers. Core arguments are typically nominals, while oblique modifiers are either (oblique) nominals or adverbial modifiers. (In complex clauses, both core arguments and oblique modifiers can also be realized as subordinate clauses.) Finally, the predicate may be associated with function words that express different types of grammatical information such as tense, mood, aspect, voice, evidentiality, or type of subordination.

Intransitive and Transitive Clauses

In most clauses, the predicate takes the form of a verb, which may be intransitive or transitive.

she left
nsubj(left, she)

she left a note
nsubj(left, she)
obj(left, note)
det(note, a)

An intransitive verb takes a single argument (usually referred to as S in the literature on linguistic typology) with the u-dep/nsubj relation. A transitive verb in addition takes an argument with an object relation, typically u-dep/obj. When deciding which relation to use with which argument in a transitive clause, the u-dep/nsubj relation should be used with the argument that most resembles the proto-agent (often called A in linguistic typology) and that satisfies additional language-internal criteria for subjecthood based on case-marking, agreement and/or linear position with respect to the predicate. The u-dep/obj relation should be used for the argument that most resembles the proto-patient (often called O or P in linguistic typology) and that satisfies relevant language-internal criteria. Note that, while case-marking (whether morphological or analytic) can provide important evidence in specific languages, case alignment should not be used to decide the assignment of core argument roles. Thus, in ergative languages, the patient-like argument of a transitive verb (O/P) will take the the u-dep/obj relation despite the fact that it carries the same case marking as the u-dep/nsubj argument (S) of an intranstive verb.

Some languages allow extended transitive clauses, where more than two dependents are realized as core arguments. The additional core arguments then receive the u-dep/iobj relation (for “indirect object”), while the u-dep/obj relation is reserved for the most patient-like non-subject argument. The criterion for deciding whether an additional dependent is a core argument is whether it has the typical encoding of a core argument with respect to case-marking, agreement and word order. For example, the English double object construction qualifies as an extended transitive clause because all three nominals appear without prepositions:

she left him a note
nsubj(left, she)
obj(left, note)
iobj(left, him)

By contrast, the alternative construction where the recipient role is realized by a prepositional phrase is not an extended transitive by our criteria, and the third participant should therefore be annotated as oblique in this case.

she left a note to him
nsubj(left, she)
obj(left, note)
obl(left, him)

It follows that the semantic role cannot (by itself) be used to determine whether a dependent is core or not, nor can its status as an obligatory dependent. UD does not make a distinction between (obligatory) arguments and (optional) adjuncts, and oblique dependents can be either arguments or adjuncts.

Note, finally, that not all languages allow extended transitives (and some do only in connection with special valency-changing operations such as applicatives). Hence, the u-dep/iobj relation will not be used in all languages.

Valency-Changing Operations

If passivization involves the promotion of an argument to subject position, then this argument can be annotated with a special subtype nsubj:pass to indicate that promotion has taken place. The subtype obl:agent can be used to annotate the demoted subject (if present).

she left a note on the table
nsubj(left, she)
obj(left, note)
obl(left, table)

a note was left on the table
nsubj:pass(left, note)
obl(left, table)

a note was left by her on the table
nsubj:pass(left, note)
obl:agent(left, her)
obl(left, table)

Similar subtyping can be used for other valency-changing operations. With causatives, for example, subtypes like obj:caus and iobj:caus can be used to indicate that an object is a demoted subject in relation to the non-causative form of the verb.

Hasan koştu \n Hasan ran
nsubj(koştu, Hasan)

(ben) Hasanı koşturdum \n I Hasan made-run
obj:caus(koşturdum, Hasanı)

Hasan kitabı okudu \n Hasan book read
obj(okudu, kitabı)

(ben) Hasana kitabı okuttum \n I I Hasan book made-read
obj(okuttum, kitabı)
iobj:caus(okuttum, Hasana)

Nonverbal Clauses

A nonverbal predicate (nominal or adjective) takes a single argument with the u-dep/nsubj relation. The core argument relation is the same regardless of whether there is an overt copula linking the predicate to the subject or not.

she is my mother
nsubj(mother, she)

она моя мать \n she my mother
nsubj(мать, она)
nsubj(mother, she)

she is nice
nsubj(nice, she)

она милая \n she nice
nsubj(милая, она)
nsubj(nice, she)

In order to achieve a consistent treatment of nonverbal predication in v2, we first define six categories of nonverbal predication that can be found cross-linguistically (with or without a copula):

  1. Equation (aka identification): “she is my mother”
  2. Attribution: “she is nice” 2.1. Quantification: “they are two”
  3. Location: “she is in the bathroom”
  4. Possession: “the book is hers”
  5. Benefaction: “the book is for her”
  6. Existence: “there is food (in the kitchen)”

We then give the following guidelines for the analysis of these constructions:

To illustrate how these guidelines apply to different languages, we now given parallel examples from English, Irish, Swedish, Czech, Russian and Turkish.

English

In English, the verb “to be” is used in all of (1-6), and a copula analysis is therefore used consistently, except for equated clauses (1b) and existentials (6), where the verb must be treated as the head of the clause.

(1a)

she is my mother
nsubj(mother, she)
cop(mother, is)

(1b)

the fact is that she is my mother
nsubj:outer(mother, is-3)
cop(mother, is-3)
nsubj(mother, she)
cop(mother, is-6)

(This contains a predicate clause.)

(2)

she is nice
nsubj(nice, she)
cop(nice, is)

(3)

she is in the kitchen
nsubj(kitchen, she)
cop(kitchen, is)
case(kitchen, in)

(4)

it is hers
nsubj(hers, it)
cop(hers, is)

(5)

it is for her
nsubj(her, it)
cop(her, is)
case(her, for)

(6a)

there is food
expl(is, there)
nsubj(is, food)

(6b)

there is food in the kitchen
expl(is, there)
nsubj(is, food)
obl(is, kitchen)
case(kitchen, in)

Irish

Irish uses a copula verb in categories 1, 4 and 5, and a different verb in categories 2, 3 and 6. Not only the verb but also the word order is different.

(1)

is ise mo mháthair \n COP her my mother
nsubj(mháthair, ise)
cop(mháthair, is)

(2)

tá sí deas \n is she nice
nsubj(tá, sí)
xcomp(tá, deas)

(3)

tá sí sa seomra folctha \n is she in room bath
nsubj(tá, sí)
xcomp(tá, seomra)

(4)

is lei an leabhar \n COP with her the book
nsubj(leabhar, lei)
cop(leabhar, is)

(5)

is di an leabhar \n COP with her the book
nsubj(leabhar, di)
cop(leabhar, is)

(6)

tá bia ann
nsubj(tá, bia)

Czech

The Czech verb být is used in all categories (1-6) and can be analyzed as copula everywhere except for pure existentials (without location) where no predicate other than the verb is available. Czech word order is free and it is not guaranteed that all constructions will come out as subject-copula-predicate. Reversed order (predicate-copula-subject) is less common but possible, even in the “equation” category (1). Czech is a pro-drop language which means that pronominal subjects are optional.

(1a)

(ona) je moje matka \n she is my mother
nsubj(matka, (ona))
nsubj(mother, she)
cop(matka, je)
cop(mother, is)

(1b)

faktem je , že ona je moje matka \n fact is , that she is my mother
cop(faktem, je-2)
cop(fact, is-11)
csubj(faktem, matka)
csubj(fact, mother)
nsubj(matka, ona)
nsubj(mother, she)
cop(matka, je-6)
cop(mother, is-15)

(2)

(ona) je milá \n she is nice
nsubj(milá, (ona))
nsubj(nice, she)
cop(milá, je)
cop(nice, is)

(3)

(ona) je v kuchyni \n she is in kitchen
nsubj(kuchyni, (ona))
nsubj(kitchen, she)
cop(kuchyni, je)
cop(kitchen, is)
case(kuchyni, v)
case(kitchen, in)

(4)

to je její \n it is hers
nsubj(její, to)
nsubj(hers, it)
cop(její, je)
cop(hers, is)

(5)

to je pro ni \n it is for her
nsubj(ni, to)
nsubj(her, it)
cop(ni, je)
cop(her, is)
case(ni, pro)
case(her, for)

(6a)

jídlo je \n food is
nsubj(je, jídlo)
nsubj(is, food)

(6b)

v kuchyni je jídlo \n in kitchen is food
nsubj(kuchyni, jídlo)
nsubj(kitchen, food)
cop(kuchyni, je)
cop(kitchen, is)
case(kuchyni, v)
case(kitchen, in)

Russian

In Russian, there is no copula verb in the present tense. In the future and past tenses, the verb быть “be” is used. The same analysis applies to categories (1-5).

(1a)

она моя мать \n she my mother
nsubj(мать, она)
nsubj(mother, she)

(1b)

When the second part is a clause, the demonstrative pronoun то must be inserted. As a result, we have a different syntactic structure with different analysis: the clause formally modifies a nominal represented by the demonstrative.

дело в том , что она моя мать \n fact in that , that she my mother
nsubj(том, дело)
nsubj(that-12, fact)
case(том, в)
case(that-12, in)
acl(том, мать)
acl(that-12, mother)
nsubj(мать, она)
nsubj(mother, she)

(2)

она милая \n she nice
nsubj(милая, она)
nsubj(nice, she)

(3)

она на кухне \n she in kitchen
nsubj(кухне, она)
nsubj(kitchen, she)
case(кухне, на)
case(kitchen, in)

(4)

это ее \n it hers
nsubj(ее, это)
nsubj(hers, it)

(5)

это для нее \n it for her
nsubj(нее, это)
nsubj(her, it)
case(нее, для)
case(her, for)

(6a)

The form есть is originally the 3rd person singular present indicative of the verb быть (which also functions as copula). However, in Modern Russian this form is used only in existential statements, in both numbers and all persons. Past and future existential statements still use normal forms of быть.

есть еда \n is food
nsubj(есть, еда)
nsubj(is, food)

(6b)

есть еда на кухне \n is food in kitchen
nsubj(есть, еда)
nsubj(is, food)
obl(есть, кухне)
obl(is, kitchen)
case(кухне, на)
case(kitchen, in)

Turkish

In Turkish, there are two copula verbs, i- and ol-. The “true” copula is i- which is defective, only having a limited number of tense forms (aorist and past), and cliticising. When a copula is needed in another tense, ol- is employed. However, if there is a form of i- then the equivalent form of ol- takes on the meaning “become”.

In the present tense, third person singular aorist non-formal then there is no overt suffix for third person singular. Unlike Russian, where the copula verb does not appear in any part of the present tense paradigm, in Turkish it appears in all persons except third person (compare 1a and 1b). This means that it is more like the nominative case in the paradigm (which also has a -Ø suffix, than like the Russian copula).

In Turkish (and indeed in most Turkic languages), existence is a syntactically different (see 6a and 6b), using an adjective var “existent”, and so gets a different structure.

(1a)

O benim annem . \n she my mother
nsubj(annem, O)
nsubj(mother, she)

(1a)

Ben senin baban -ım . \n I your father am
nsubj(baban, Ben)
cop(baban, -ım)
nsubj(father, I)

(1c)

O benim annem -di . \n she my mother was
nsubj(annem, O)
cop(annem, -di)
nsubj(mother, she)

(2)

O hoş . \n She nice
nsubj(hoş, O)
nsubj(nice, She)

(3)

O mutfakta . \n She kitchen-in .
nsubj(mutfakta, O)
nsubj(kitchen-in, She)

(4)

Bu onun . \n It hers .
nsubj(onun, Bu)
nsubj(hers, It)

(5)

Bu onun için . \n It hers for .
nsubj(onun, Bu)
case(onun, için)
nsubj(hers, It)
case(hers, for)

(6a

Yemek var . \n Food existing .
nsubj(var, Yemek)
nsubj(existing, Food)

(6b)

Mutfakta yemek var . \n Kitchen-in food existing .
nsubj(var, yemek)
obl(var, Mutfakta)
nsubj(existing, food)
obl(existing, Kitchen-in)

Non-Core Dependents

In addition to the core arguments, a predicate may have additional dependents whose grammatical encoding differs from that of core arguments with respect to case marking, agreement and/or linear position in the clause. All such dependents are said to be oblique, regardless of whether they can be considered as arguments in the semantic sense. The obl relation is used for oblique nominals, and the advmod relation is used for adverbial modifiers.

she left a note on the table
nsubj(left, she)
obj(left, note)
obl(left, table)

she left a note in the morning
nsubj(left, she)
obj(left, note)
obl(left, morning)

she left from home
nsubj(left, she)
obl(left, home)

she left suddenly
nsubj(left, she)
advmod(left, suddenly)

In addition to the general u-dep/obl relation, there are three special relations that are used for non-core dependents of a predicate: u-dep/expl, u-dep/dislocated, and u-dep/vocative.

Expletives

The u-dep/expl relation captures expletive or pleonastic nominals. These are nominals that appear in an argument position of a predicate but which do not themselves satisfy any of the semantic roles of the predicate. The main predicate of the clause (the verb or predicate adjective or noun) is the governor. In English, this is the case for some uses of it and there: the existential there, and it when used in extraposition constructions. (Note that both it and there also have non-expletive uses.)

There is a ghost in the room
expl(is, There)

It is clear that we should decline .
expl(clear, It)

Some languages do not have expletives of the English sort, including most languages with free pro-drop (the ability to use zero anaphora rather than overt pronouns). In languages with expletives of this sort, they can be positioned where normally a core argument appears: the subject and direct object (and even indirect object) slots, as in the examples below. Note that in the analysis of these examples, we treat the postposed subject or clausal argument as a regular core argument, and mark the expletive with u-dep/expl.

There is a ghost in the room
expl(is, There)
nsubj(is, ghost)
obl(is, room)

I believe there to be a ghost in the room
nsubj(believe, I)
expl(believe, there)
xcomp(believe, be)
nsubj(be, ghost)
obl(be, room)

It is clear that we should decline .
expl(clear, It)
csubj(clear, decline)

That we should decline is clear .
csubj(clear, decline)

I mentioned it to Mary that Sue is leaving
nsubj(mentioned, I)
expl(mentioned, it)
obl(mentioned, Mary)
ccomp(mentioned, leaving)

A second, related, use of the u-dep/expl relation is for cases of true clitic doubling. For languages in which clitics and lexical nominals are ususally in complementary distribution – languages, such as French, which obey “Kayne’s generalization” – then whichever of a clitic or a lexical nominal occurs will get the appropriate role, such as u-dep/obj or u-dep/iobj. In such languages, when doubling does occur, such as in spoken French, the right analysis is to regard the lexical nominal as dislocated (see the examples there). As such, the analysis will be the same as when a noun phrase doubles another noun phrase or a regular pronoun that fills a nominal argument position. However, other languages, such as Greek and Bulgarian, standardly allow doubling of a lexical nominal and a pronominal clitic, with the former still appearing in its regular role as an argument of the predicate. In these cases, if only one of the lexical nominal and the clitic appear in a clause, then whichever appears will be given the grammatical role of u-dep/obj, u-dep/iobj, etc. – parallel to the treatment of lexical nominals and pronouns in other languages, modulo the clitic pronoun having a different position in the sentence. However, if both occur, the lexical nominal will be given the grammatical role of u-dep/obj, u-dep/iobj, etc., and the clitic will be treated as a pronominal copy, which does not receive its own semantic role, and hence will get the role u-dep/expl. Modulo the different word order, this is fairly parallel to the treatment of it and there in English mentioned above, where another phrase satisfies the semantic role of the predicate. Examples from Greek and Bulgarian follow:

Της τον έδωσε της Καίτης τον αναπτήρα \n PRON.Fem.Gen PRON.Masc.Acc gave ART.Fem.Gen Keti.Gen ART.Masc.Acc lighter.Acc
expl(έδωσε, Της-1)
iobj(έδωσε, Καίτης)
det(Καίτης, της-4)
expl(έδωσε, τον-2)
obj(έδωσε, αναπτήρα)
det(αναπτήρα, τον-6)

Marija mu izprati pismo na rabotnika \n Maria 3.S.M.IO sent letter to the.worker
expl(izprati, mu)
obj(izprati, pismo)
iobj(izprati, rabotnika)
case(rabotnika, na)

The expletive relation is also used for reflexive pronouns (see the feature u-feat/Reflex) attached to inherently reflexive verbs, i.e. verbs that cannot occur without the reflexive pronoun and thus the pronoun does not play the role of a normal object (otherwise it would be possible to substitute it with an irreflexive pronoun or other nominal). A Czech example:

Martin se bojí zvířat . \n Martin REFLEX fears animals .
expl(bojí, se)
expl(fears, REFLEX)

Further general discussion of expletives can be found in Postal, P. M., and G. K. Pullum (1988) “Expletive Noun Phrases in Subcategorized Positions,” Linguistic Inquiry 19(4): 635–670. The status of clitic doubling, and arguments for the lexical nominal being an argument with the clitic a kind of pronominal copy, appear inter alia in Boris Harizanov (2014) Clitic doubling at the syntax-morphology interface: A-movement and morphological merger in Bulgarian. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory.

Dislocated

The u-dep/dislocated relation is used for fronted or postposed elements that do not fulfill the usual core grammatical relations of a sentence. These elements often appear to be in the periphery of the sentence, and may be separated off with a comma intonation.

It is used for fronted elements that introduce the topic of a sentence, as in the following Japanese and Greek examples. The dislocated element attaches to the head of the clause to which it belongs:

象 は 鼻 が 長い \n zoo wa hana ga naga-i \n elephant TOPIC nose SUBJ long-PRES
dislocated(長い-5, 象-1)

to jani ton kserume poli kala \n the John-Acc him know-1pl very well
dislocated(kserume, jani)

However, it would not be used for a topic-marked noun that is also the subject of the sentence; this would be an nsubj.

It is also used for postposed elements. The dislocated elements attach to the same governor as the dependent that they double for. Right dislocated elements are frequent in spoken languages. French and Greek examples follow.

Il faut pas la manger , la plasticine \n It must not it eat , the playdough
obj(manger, la-4)
dislocated(manger, plasticine)
obj(eat, it-13)
dislocated(eat, playdough)

ton kserume oli mas edho poli kala, to jani
dislocated(kserume, jani)

Vocatives

The u-dep/vocative relation is used to mark a dialogue participant addressed in a text (common in conversations, dialogue, emails, newsgroup postings, etc.). The relation links the addressee’s name to its host sentence. A vocative commonly co-occurs with a null subject, as in the first example below. If the nominal is clearly vocative in intent, the preference is to use the u-dep/vocative relation.

Guys , take it easy!
vocative(take, Guys)

Marie , comment vas - tu ?
vocative(vas, Marie)

Function Word Dependents

In addition to core and non-core dependents, the predicate of a clause may be modified by function words:

  1. An aux modifies a verbal predicate by adding information relating to tense, aspect, mood, voice, or evidentiality.
  2. A cop links a nonverbal predicate to its subject and may add information relating to tense, aspect, mood, voice, or evidentiality.
  3. A mark indicates that the predicate heads a (specific type of) subordinate clause.
she has left
nsubj(left, she)
aux(left, has)

she is happy
nsubj(happy, she)
cop(happy, is)

she has been happy
nsubj(happy, she)
cop(happy, been)
aux(happy, has)

( she knows ) that it is raining
ccomp(knows, raining)
mark(raining, that)

( she left ) because it was raining
advcl(left, raining)
mark(raining, because)